RESPOSTA DO CLQI AO RCIT

Pela regeneração política e

reconstrução da Quarta Internacional

Resposta ao documento do RCIT
"Healy’s Pupils Fail to Break with their Master" [ Alunos de Healy não conseguem romper com seu Mestre ]

Socialist Fight / CLQI
English  - click here

A Liga Comunista reproduz a resposta do Socialist Fight ( SF ) britânico ao RCIT. O SF é membro do Comitê de Ligação pela IV Internacional, do qual a LC é integrante. O RCIT é a internacional criada pelo RKOB austríaco. O RKOB é uma ruptura do Wokers Power britânico, defensor assim como sua matriz da 5a internacional, que apoiou a contrarevolução nos Estados operários e as chamadas "revoluções" na Líbia e na Síria. A polêmica trata dos principais fatos da luta de classes dos últimos 40 anos como a questão polonesa em 1980 - 1981, a restauração capitalista na URSS e Leste Europeu, anexação da Alemanha Oriental pelo imperialismo, o Agosto de 1991 na URSS, eleições na África do Sul em 1994, Guerra dos Balcãs, Quinta Internacional, Programa de Transição, o trotskismo nos Andes, "Primavera Árabe" e ofensiva imperialista contra Líbia e Síria, catastrofismo, a questão da crise de direção, etc.

INTRODUÇÃO

Os fundadores da 5a Internacional,
tanto Wokers Power/LFI quanto sua ruptura, o RKOB/RCIT,
debutam capitulando a restauração capitalista nos Estados operários
e a ofensiva imperialista contra as semi-colônias da Líbia e Síria.
Assim como a LFI acreditava poder pegar carona nos movimentos
anti-globalização, agora o RCIT aposta em poder tomar
um atalho através da "primavera árabe"

Somos gratos ao camarada Michael Pröbsting do RCIT por que ele escreveu um documento longo ( de quase 20.000 palavras ), consumindo um grande tempo e esforço para fazê-lo, com o qual nós de fato aprendemos muito. Apesar de termos acordos sobre a história da Quarta Internacional após a II Guerra Mundial, existem substanciais diferenças entre o SF/CLQI e o RCIT sobre a questão do método, uma vez que ele determina à continuidade do trotskismo o que intimamente se relaciona com a nossa orientação para a reconstrução Quarta Internacional, que se contrapõe ao chamado do RCIT para uma Quinta Internacional. A renúncia do conjunto dos partidos que se reivindicavam trotskistas a defesa do Programa de Transição em seu método e, em particular, do partido que havia sido a principal seção da IV Internacional quando de sua fundação, o SWP dos EUA, provoca a ruptura da Tendência Revolucionária do SWP no início de 1960. Esta ruptura foi liderada por Wolfforth, Madge e Robertson. Os agrupamentos que surgem a partir desta ruptura, vão desembocar em 1974 na divisão do WRP que veio a se tornar a Liga Socialista dos Trabalhadores ( WSL ) e em vários agrupamentos que internacionalmente surgiram a partir dessa luta, incluindo o Comitê Internacional trotskista ( ITC ) e sua seção britânica, a Revolucionário Internacionalista League ( RIL ), a Oposição Trotskista Internacional ( ITO ), que rompeu com a degeneração da ITC, a Liga Internacional dos Trabalhadores ( WIL, não confundir com a LIT morenista, a qual pertence o PSTU brasileiro, cuja sigla em inglês é IWL ) da Grã-Bretanha e seu agrupamento internacional; a Tendência Leninista Trotskista ( LTT ) na Grã-Bretanha, Bélgica, Alemanha e África do Sul e outros na França e na América Latina. A rejeição a defesa do legado de Trotsky por estas correntes também se reflete em muitas questões práticas da luta de classes hoje tanto nacional como internacionalmente, em particular sobre a forma de aplicar o Programa de Transição e o seu método para as condições de hoje e como se relacionar com as organizações de massa da classe trabalhadora, os sindicatos e partidos operários burgueses, como se relacionar com a pequenos movimentos de libertação nacionais burgueses e guerras imperialistas através das forças de resistência dos países semi-coloniais. 

PORQUE OS SINOS DOBRAM POR MANDELA

O regime capitalista pós-apartheid
sob a crítica da economia política marxista

Humberto Rodrigues

A África do Sul de Nelson Mandela,
renda e população por grupo racial, 1910 - 2010
Fonte: The Economist

Em 1985, David Cameron, o atual primeiro ministro conservador inglês, fazia parte da direção executiva da Federation of Conservative Students (FCS), a juventude do Partido Conservador, então sob o governo de Margaret Thatcher que, ao lado do governo de Israel, era a maior defensora do apartheid fora do governo sul africano. Sob a direção de Cameron, a FEC elaborou o cartaz que pregava: "Enforquem Nelson Mandela e todos os terroristas do CNA: eles são sanguinários". Ainda em 1989, quando Cameron estava trabalhando para o Departamento de Investigações do Partido Conservador ele foi a África do Sul com todas suas despesas pagas pelo regime do apartheid. Hoje, o primeiro ministro inglês diz que "Nelson Mandela foi um herói do nosso tempo."

A ultra-hipocrisia de Cameron é compartilhada pelo conjunto do imperialismo que apoiou ao apartheid sul africano assim como segue hoje apoiando ao sionismo israelense, as mais recentes encarnações do nazismo por regimes de Estado. Os funerais do ex-“terrorista” que deveria ser “enforcado” tornaram-se a mais importante homenagem política feita pela burguesia mundial em 2013, da qual participaram mais de 90 dos principais líderes de nações burguesas.

Obama, Cameron e Cia se apoiam em uma visão parcial acerca de Mandela comungada por milhões de pessoas simples que também prestam homenagem ao líder negro neste momento. A visão de que o fim do apartheid como regime de Estado foi produto unicamente do sacrifício de muitos lutadores negros, incluindo crianças, e das campanhas internacionais de solidariedade, greves e boicotes contra o apartheid. Estes elementos da luta de classes pressionaram pelo fim do apartheid, mas é ingenuidade não perceber que em um dado momento da luta o imperialismo e a própria burguesia branca compreenderam que era preciso ceder alguns anéis para não perder os dedos e acabar levando a melhor com essa concessão. Como provaremos abaixo, o fim do apartheid foi uma medida necessária e lucrativa para a burguesia racista branca sul africana e para o grande capital no mundo todo.

AFRICA DO SUL

A luta pela libertação do proletariado africano
e o verdadeiro legado de Mandela

Há motivos de sobra para a mídia mundial realizar agora toda esta adulação a figura de Mandela. Não se trata apenas de demagogia em torno de um líder popular. Tampouco estão se apropriando de um dirigente revolucionário para descaracterizá-lo e usá-lo para seus interesses. Embora pessoas do mundo todo identifiquem o líder negro, falecido no dia 05 de dezembro de 2013, como um lutador que pôs fim ao hediondo regime do apartheid, a política executada por Mandela principalmente depois que assumiu o poder em seu país em 1994 é bem distante destas legítimas aspirações. 

Na década de 1960, Mandela, então membro do Comitê Central do PC sul africano na clandestinidade, defendia a construção de um exército revolucionário que ganhasse o apoio popular para derrotar o apartheid pela via guerrilheira armada. Foi preso e condenado a prisão perpétua em 1964. Ele é solto somente em fevereiro de 1990, em plena restauração capitalista nos Estados operários do Leste Europeu, elemento que influi em seu giro político em direção a conciliação e a transição política pactuada com o regime do apartheid.

O "fim do apartheid" preservou e desenvolveu o capitalismo para que o acirramento da guerra civil no país onde a dominação imperialista assumiu claramente ares nazi-sionistas não descarrilhasse em uma situação pré-revolucionária. A política da frente popular, impulsionada pelo stalinistas do PC e pelos reformistas sul africanos do CNA desviou a luta de classes para uma transição pactuada para um regime de sociedade entre a velha elite branca e uma nova elite burguesa negra. A poderosa luta anti-apartheid foi desviada não para uma "democracia racial" mas para a criação da mais desigual nação do planeta, que recentemente ultrapassou a Namíbia e o Brasil. 

THE STRUGGLE FOR A REVOLUTIONARY PARTY IN SOUTH AFRICA

On the Differences in the
Revolutionary Marxist Group
By Gerry Downing
http://socialistfight.com/2013/10/30/on-the-differences-in-the-revolutionary-marxist-group/

We begin with two long quotes from Trotsky on the trade unions and syndicalism. It seems to us to that this is the central problem of the RMG, manifest in its attitude to the split in the NUM and its political relationship to the opposition current within Cosatu, its attitude to the question of the aristocracy of labour, Imperialism and its failure to see the revolutionary party in the Trotskyist sense as the national section of the world party of socialist revolution. The first quote sets out the central importance of the trade union bureaucracy for the maintenance of capitalism. Of course Trotsky speaks only of Imperialist countries and the colonies. But it is clear that a powerful trade union movement has emerged in many advanced semi-colonies in the last three decades and these have now became heavily bureaucratised and the central prop of the capitalist state representing the interests of global Imperialism. Central to this in South Africa is the alliance of Cosatu, the ANC and SACP, the ‘Tripartite Alliance’. Another example is the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers Party) in Brazil with its CUT labor federation. 

Opposed to these are ‘left oppositionist’ federations in both South Africa and Brazil, also bureaucratised and serving as defence of the left flank of the central bureaucracy, often in conflict with them but heavily influenced by centrist groups, some of Trotskyist origins. Their centrism, revolutionary in words in some domestic issues but almost always social-Imperialist in foreign conflicts and wars, serve all the better to defend the capitalist state in conjunction with the trade union bureaucracy ‘from the left’.

INGLATERRA - PANFLETO DO SOCIALIST FIGHT 20/10/2012

Victory to the South African Striking Miners!
Enough of the bogus “protecting frontline services”, and “cuts too far too fast”!
TU leaders must fight for needs budgets!TUC: Call an indefinite General Strike!

The striking miners of South Africa are the vanguard of the international proletariat. The brutal and pre-planned massacre of the 34 miners on 16th August is a sharp manifestation of the International crisis of capitalism. Every class conscious workers on the planet has a duty to support and work for the victory of these strikes because they are fighting not just for the future of the South African working class but for all our futures.

The world crisis of capitalism continue to deepen; the Greek and European sovereign debt crisis continues to worsen, several countries in the euro area cannot repay or re-finance their government debt without the assistance of the dreaded troika, the IMF, EU and ECB.

The debts of speculators and banks from property bub-bles were transferred to the national bank balance and so the crisis became a sovereign debt crisis which is now threatening the solvency of whole nations and the survival of the Euro and the European Union itself. This has global consequences, threatening inter-Imperialist rivalries the like of which we saw before WWI and WWII.

This has had dire consequences for the Greek working class and poor, food kitchens have sprung everywhere and real poverty and hunger has begun to reappeared in Europe for the first time since the end of WWII. Greece shows us all our futures under this rotten and crisis-ridden capitalist system.

It is already apparent that a severe housing crisis is developing in Britain, the NHS is being totally privatised and local councils are about to be reduced to being the paymasters of privatised and decimated local services. Tory Barnet council is pioneering US-style total privatisation of services. Chancellor Ed Balls told the Guardian, “The public want to know that we are going to be ruthless and disciplined in how we go about public spending”. And at the Labour Conference, “we cannot make any commitments now that the next Labour government will be able to reverse particular tax rises or spending cuts.”

Following the terrible Marikana Massacre on 16 August on Monday 15 October the crisis in South Africa’s mining sector worsened when talks between the Chamber of Mines and trade unions failed and the strike wave spread. “The situation is grave,” Willie Jacobsz, head of investor relations at Gold Fields told the Financial Times. “All of Gold Fields’ South African mines, with the excep-tion of the developing South Deep, are now engaged in illegal strike action, putting thousands of jobs at risk and increasing the likelihood of major restructuring.”

MARIKANA MASSACRE - SOUTH AFRICA

RESIST THE COPS & CAPITALISTS! ORGANISE: AGAINST REFORMISM! RECLAIM THE UNIONS – BREAK THE ANC/COSATU/SACP ALLIANCE!

Qina Msebenzi Collective STATEMENT

Comrades; Brothers  & Sisters! You have seen the violence of the capitalist state and its police!

But you have Seen without Believing!

Comrades; Brothers & Sisters!You have heard the cry of the Marikana workers! You have seen them stand up and demand a wage for the dangerous work they do – while others take the profits!

But you have not Understood their Words; Your ears have not been touched by the Truth!

Comrades; Brothers & Sisters!You feel the pain and anguish of death at the hands of the state; you feel the suffering of your fellow workers and their families and you weep for those who have died and the ones who take their broken bodies to burial!

The blood of the Marikana Martyrs has not been spilt in vain. The police bulletsripped through the flesh of the workers. Their blood has flowed & their bodies are now lifeless. But the martyrs are not dead – their spirit and their struggle lives with us and in us.

The martyrs are not “victims”! They went to their death as class fighters, willing to die for their cause –justice! The workers of South Africa and the world must learn the lesson written in the blood of our fallen comrades

The Struggle Against Capitalism and Imperialism is a Life & Death Struggle!

Only Socialism Can Avenge The Death of Martyrs!

STATEMENT ON LIBYA BY LC-SF-RMG

DECLARATION TO THE WORKERS OF THE WORLD
AND THEIR INTERNATIONALIST VANGUARD

For the unconditional defence of Libya against Imperialism!

For a Military United Front with Gaddafi to defeat NATO and the CIA armed "rebels"!

No confidence in the government of Tripoli; only by arming all the people and by the permanent revolution can we win the struggle!

The global economic crisis has increased the appetites of Imperialism to appropriate the planet's riches by super exploiting the working class and recolonisation. Capitalist governments of the world have moved enormous sums of money from state coffers to large private capitalist financial intuitions in the name of saving capitalism’s crisis cause by speculation. Now the bourgeois governments are seeking to recapitalise their coffers. For this, they force the working class to pay the price of this financial orgy. This payment is made through fiscal adjustments, the attacks on wages, and victories over unionised labor and the attack on social security, etc. It has also increased the cost of living for the masses, and increased inter-Imperial competition in the semi-colonies.

In Europe, from Greece to Ireland, popular resistance was restrained by pro-Imperialist party leaders and trade unions. In Wisconsin in the USA workers leaders linked to the Democratic Party did the same. In Latin America, so far, but not for long, the governments of the "centre left" are delaying and dampening social conflict by the control they exert over mass organizations. Obama ordered the start of the bombing on Libya when he was with the pro-imperialist President Dilma Rousseff, in Brazil.

In Africa the liberal bourgeois opposition to dictatorships in Tunisia and Egypt made democratic transition arrangements to install new puppet governments to stabilise the country and keep it sympathetic to the U.S. and Israel. We do not consider these processes as "Arab revolution" or "democratic revolutions." These popular uprising are genuine expressions of the outrage at price increases and increased oppression caused by the imperialist crisis which began in 2008 but Imperialism seek to divert these potential revolutionary situations enhance and extend its dominance in Africa and the Middle East.

If Imperialism cannot take ownership peacefully as in the fraudulent referendum that divided the Sudan, then the UN will come to occupy the country by military force and impose their fraudulent elections as happened in Ivory Coast. All this, with the support of the African Union and the ANC government in South Africa.

In Libya, Syria and Iran, Imperialism seeks to accomplish coups camouflaged as "democratic", by taking advantage of the "popular uprising" in neighbouring countries. In Iran, the U.S. and Israel seek to revive the reactionary "green revolution". In Syria U.S. Imperialism and its Zionist enclave strive to create the same scenario of civil war to justify another military intervention. In Libya, Imperialism made a qualitative leap in its intervention. Not only by what it did after starting the "rebellion", but they had also prepared beforehand. A "revolt" in Libya is not any kind of revolution, but a counterrevolution, directed by Imperialism and supported and sponsored by the CIA. It is the continuation of a series of attempts to restore the monarchy and tribal privileges in favour of U.S. and European Union, which began shortly after Gaddafi took power in 1969 and continued sporadically since then. Not coincidentally, the flag of the "rebels" is the flag of the monarchy imposed by Imperialism, the flag of the puppet King Idris (1951-1969).

Rebel leaders in Libya were CIA agents from the beginning, as were the anti-Chavez coup leaders in Venezuela in 2002. Imperialism, headed by the U.S. and France, seek to balkanised Libya, as it did in Yugoslavia or to dominate it together, as in Afghanistan and Iraq. We have also have seen this in Bolivia, where Evo Morales surrendered a larger share of the revenues from gas exploration to the pro-Imperialist coup makers in the east of the country.

Those who hold the naïve notion that what happens in Libya is a revolution of "masses" and a continuation of the riots in Tunisia and Egypt, they forget that the masses have been duped by the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Velvet Revolution (Czechoslovakia), the Orange Revolution (Ukraine) and all other ‘revolutions’ made in the CIA. They were all, in fact, counterrevolutions, sponsored by Imperialism.

Since the new escalation of Israeli attacks against Palestinians 20 Palestinians have been killed and 50 wounded in the worst Israeli offensive in Gaza for two years. It is the bloodiest attack since the 2008 military operation that killed 1,400 Palestinians. We are for the destruction of the Zionist state of Israel and for a multiethnic workers’ and peasants’ government a based on workers’ and peasants’ councils.

For 21 years Hosni Mubarak’s National Democratic Party (NDP) in Egypt was a member of the Socialist (Second) International (SI) alongside the New Zealand Labour Party, the Australian Labor Party and the British Labour Party. The SI only expelled the NDP in January 2011, after the mass demonstrations emerged that brought down Mubarak, but not the NDP. But true to its long history of defending British Imperialism British Labour leader Ed Miliband gave unequivocal support to the Benghazi rebels and to the bombing of Libya on the totally hypocritical basis that, “as internationalists we have both the responsibility and the opportunity to help enforce international law and save innocents from slaughter”. Using Gaddafi’s foolish threat of "no mercy, and no pity” he sanctioned the bombing which will result in far more deaths than Gaddafi could have caused, but, as an ‘unintended consequence’ will put the oil resources of Libya in the hands of western Imperialism to invest in the markets of Wall street and the City of London and divert it from schools, hospitals and welfare payments in Libya and investments in other African countries.

Jim Murphy MP, Labour's Shadow Defence Secretary gave the cue that the rest of the soft-left in Britain and internationally have followed, “Inaction would have undermined the cause of freedom not just for the hundreds of thousands of people who have risen up against Gaddafi in Libya, but in other countries where people are also fighting for change.”

And just so as we are left in doubt about the Labour party’s position on Imperialism’s murderers Murphy writes; “our thoughts should be with all British Forces around the world, including the more than 10,000 Britons in Afghanistan. Those undertaking courageous acts in the sky above Libya and in the Mediterranean should be given all the support they need because their bravery is what enables the UN resolution to be enforced and the Libyan people to be protected”. There is, naturally, no concern about the civilians and fighters blown to pieces ‘to save lives’ in Iraq, Afghanistan or now Libya only concern and praise for the killers.

The greatest proof that the "rebels" are nothing but butchers and Libyan agents of Imperialism is that they have invoked NATO bombing on their own people, as did the collaborators at all times of the class struggle since the Paris Commune Thiers (1871) to Lebanon (2006). As each day passes it becomes clearer that the native agents of Imperialism are merely open cat’s paws for multinational intervention in the country. They are racists and xenophobes, the enemies of all black working class Saharans in Libya. In the hunt for "Gaddafi mercenaries” they seek to demoralise the work force in the country, preparing it for the super exploitation in a new era of extreme Imperialist plunder. The Libyan "rebels" are a bunch bourgeois turncoats from Gaddafi regime in favour of big business internationally.

Political groupings claiming to be Marxists who portray the popular uprisings in the Arab world as diverted "revolutions" are demagogues, who flatter and stupefy the masses while new pro-Imperialist bourgeois puppet governments are being stabilised. But the worst is when these groups in the name of supporting the Libyan masses in their struggle for democracy, combined with Imperialist war propaganda by the world media to cover up the CIA coup. Those who now refuse to establish a military front with Gaddafi externally and internally to defeat the interests of Imperialism, betray the struggle and the fight against global Imperialism and the genocidal state of Israel that massacres the Palestinians.

We denounce the main international revisionist currents that formally share the following positions:

1) characterise the existence of an "Arab revolution" or "democratic revolutions" in Africa and the Middle East

2) Support the pro-imperialist "rebels" in Libya

These include the USFI (NPA - France), LIT (PSTU - Brazil), ITU (IzquierdaSocialista - Argentina), IMT (Socialist Appeal - Britain); CWI (Socialist Party - Britain): IST (SWP - Britain). FT (PTS - Argentina); FLTI (LOI-DO - Argentina); L5I (Workers Power - Britain).

It was the anti-working class, neoliberal policies of Gaddafi during the last decade that paved the way this reaction. Gaddafi has established new agreements with Imperialism, destroying the gains of the process of nationalisation of the means of production and post-1969 energy resources. Gaddafi banned trade unions and strikes and made racist anti-immigrant agreements with Berlusconi, he has sponsored the election campaign of Sarkozy and privatized and made auctions with the energy resources of Libya. Thus, the caudillo of Tripoli has lost popularity with the Libyan and African population and fuelled the appetite of sectors of the native bourgeoisie to negotiate directly with Imperialism, freeing up Gaddafi clan.

The masses can have no confidence in the anti-Imperialism of Gaddafi. Therefore we demand the arming of the whole Libyan people against Imperialism and the reactionary opposition. We demand the unconditional defence of Libya against Imperialism and its agents. We demand a military united front with Gaddafi against NATO and the royalist, CIA agent, "rebels" who are politically similar to the pro-Imperialist Loyalists of the north of Ireland, the Inkatha Freedom Party of South Africa or, more closely, the Contras of Nicaragua.

This was the revolutionary tactics of Lenin and Trotsky before the Kornilov uprising, Kerensky's former general who tried to carry out a coup in Russia in August 1917. The Bolsheviks called for a united front and military weapons to Kerensky demanded at the same time that Kerensky be blamed for paving the path for reaction, and thus prepared a social revolution. Similarly, the reaction to the responsibility of Gaddafi for the coup will drive the masses to combine the tasks of the anti-Imperialist struggle with the democratic and socialist to move toward the establishment of a workers and peasants government where the pan-Arabism of Gaddafi has stopped. The victory over the counterrevolutionary Imperialist military offensive would not only be a huge boost for the proletariat Libyan who could settle accounts with the warlord of Tripoli, but would also give a huge impetus to the struggle of workers in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Ivory Coast, Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan against Imperialism and the native capitalists.

The first step towards this is to fight in our own countries against the Imperialist bourgeoisie and semi-colonial Britain, Brazil, South Africa. We advocate the defeat of our own governments, as allies against Imperialist recolonisation of the world proletariat. We support the full right of the Libyan masses to seize the multinational British, Brazilian and South African companies and of all capital in Libya to nationalise them without compensation under workers' control.

● Defeat Imperialism, Fight for the sovereignty, unity and independence of Libya with the methods of permanent revolution!

● For a Military United Front with the Libyan army against pro-Imperialist INTC and against all groups sponsored by the CIA!

● Build Revolutionary Committees in all work-places, colleges and regions against Imperialist intervention!

● For Constituent Assembly based on these revolutionary committees.

● For a Workers and Peasants Government!

● In defence of the right to establish trade unions and the right to strike!

● No immigration control, equal rights and conditions for all immigrant workers!

● Workers' Control of work places and oil fields, food subsidies and essential goods, minimum living wage, full employment, expropriation of all enterprises and Imperialist capitals!

● For strikes and occupations to prevent the movement of troops and munitions to attack Libya!

● For a Socialist Federation of North Africa and the Middle East

Statement on Libya by
SOCIALIST FIGHT - Britain
REVOLUTIONARY MARXIST GROUP - South Africa
LIGA COMUNISTA - Brazil
21 April 2011

Socialist Fight

http://pt.scribd.com/Gerry%20Downing

Socialist_Fight@yahoo.co.uk

PO Box 59188, London, NW2 9LJ

Revolutionary Marxist Group

http://thebolshevik.jimdo.com/

bsc.jhb@gmail.com